If recent history is any guide, the U.S. presidential contest next year will bring a surge in political fact-checking — and, inevitably, a spate of pieces asking whether it matters or calling it a waste of effort.
Critics will point to politicians like Donald Trump and Boris Johnson, who gleefully ignore fact-checkers and repeat debunked claims without seeming to pay any price. They’ll cite abundant research showing that corrections are less effective in dislodging false beliefs tied to our partisan preferences, and that they may never reach the relevant audience in the first place. These critiques will only be sharpened by mounting fears about the influence of disinformation campaigns on Facebook and other social networks.
But here’s a more hopeful prediction: Amid all of the hand-wringing, 2020 will also see a smarter conversation taking shape about how facts and fact-checking matter in democratic politics.
Too often our expectations for fact-checking reflect what could be called the Scooby-Doo model of political accountability — for the moment at the end of every episode of that cartoon when the villain is unmasked (literally) and carted off to jail, usually muttering something about how he would’ve gotten away with it if it weren’t for “you meddling kids.” There’s no doubt or debate here: Once the facts come to light, the consequences follow automatically.
The same unrealistic assumptions come through in the neatly packaged histories we use affirm the democratic role of the Fourth Estate — for example, in the glossy version of the Watergate story, where dogged reporters expose wrongdoing, turn the nation against a corrupt president, and unleash a wave of legislative reforms. There’s some truth in this kind of myth-making, but it erases the crucial part played by other institutions (like Congress and the Justice Department), overlooks how slowly public opinion shifted, and most of all makes the outcome seem like a foregone conclusion.
Our idealized notion of how facts should work in politics is rooted at least partly in the “folk theory” of democracy you probably learned in civics class — the one with the highly attentive citizens who evaluate all the information they glean from the news, form reasoned opinions based on them, and render their judgments on Election Day. Under this ideal, the key problem in politics is always to provide the right information; when outcomes don’t match our expectations, the problem must be that voters are misinformed. (In fact, the best evidence suggests that so-called “fake news” has limited reach and limited effects, and did not play the decisive role often attributed to it in recent elections.)
This isn’t to say that efforts by fact-checkers and other journalists to nail down the facts don’t matter — on the contrary, they’re vital. But accurate information rarely settles political questions on its own. The facts unearthed by reporters and other watchdogs are a resource for public action, but they tend to make a real difference only when they are mobilized by political campaigns or social movements, or used to trigger institutional responses from regulators or the courts.
Fact-checkers know better than anyone that publishing is only the first step in an incremental process that, in the best cases, can help push political discourse onto firmer ground. They partner with major media outlets, and with platforms like Facebook, to reach the biggest audience they can. Many also work with media literacy campaigns to educate young people about online misinformation, or with academic researchers to test the best methods for correcting false beliefs. Some fact-checkers have tried to move beyond what they call the “publish and pray” model, for instance, by actively seeking corrections from politicians and news organizations, or by working with public agencies to promote better handling of official statistics.
It goes without saying that none of these efforts will “solve” the problem of political lying and misinformation. But by rejecting reductive debates about whether fact-checking “works” or not, we’ll take an important step toward understanding what kinds of measures actually can help to promote fact-based discourse — and affirm the value of fact-checking as an institution dedicated to that goal.
Lucas Graves is an assistant professor at the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Wisconsin.
If recent history is any guide, the U.S. presidential contest next year will bring a surge in political fact-checking — and, inevitably, a spate of pieces asking whether it matters or calling it a waste of effort.
Critics will point to politicians like Donald Trump and Boris Johnson, who gleefully ignore fact-checkers and repeat debunked claims without seeming to pay any price. They’ll cite abundant research showing that corrections are less effective in dislodging false beliefs tied to our partisan preferences, and that they may never reach the relevant audience in the first place. These critiques will only be sharpened by mounting fears about the influence of disinformation campaigns on Facebook and other social networks.
But here’s a more hopeful prediction: Amid all of the hand-wringing, 2020 will also see a smarter conversation taking shape about how facts and fact-checking matter in democratic politics.
Too often our expectations for fact-checking reflect what could be called the Scooby-Doo model of political accountability — for the moment at the end of every episode of that cartoon when the villain is unmasked (literally) and carted off to jail, usually muttering something about how he would’ve gotten away with it if it weren’t for “you meddling kids.” There’s no doubt or debate here: Once the facts come to light, the consequences follow automatically.
The same unrealistic assumptions come through in the neatly packaged histories we use affirm the democratic role of the Fourth Estate — for example, in the glossy version of the Watergate story, where dogged reporters expose wrongdoing, turn the nation against a corrupt president, and unleash a wave of legislative reforms. There’s some truth in this kind of myth-making, but it erases the crucial part played by other institutions (like Congress and the Justice Department), overlooks how slowly public opinion shifted, and most of all makes the outcome seem like a foregone conclusion.
Our idealized notion of how facts should work in politics is rooted at least partly in the “folk theory” of democracy you probably learned in civics class — the one with the highly attentive citizens who evaluate all the information they glean from the news, form reasoned opinions based on them, and render their judgments on Election Day. Under this ideal, the key problem in politics is always to provide the right information; when outcomes don’t match our expectations, the problem must be that voters are misinformed. (In fact, the best evidence suggests that so-called “fake news” has limited reach and limited effects, and did not play the decisive role often attributed to it in recent elections.)
This isn’t to say that efforts by fact-checkers and other journalists to nail down the facts don’t matter — on the contrary, they’re vital. But accurate information rarely settles political questions on its own. The facts unearthed by reporters and other watchdogs are a resource for public action, but they tend to make a real difference only when they are mobilized by political campaigns or social movements, or used to trigger institutional responses from regulators or the courts.
Fact-checkers know better than anyone that publishing is only the first step in an incremental process that, in the best cases, can help push political discourse onto firmer ground. They partner with major media outlets, and with platforms like Facebook, to reach the biggest audience they can. Many also work with media literacy campaigns to educate young people about online misinformation, or with academic researchers to test the best methods for correcting false beliefs. Some fact-checkers have tried to move beyond what they call the “publish and pray” model, for instance, by actively seeking corrections from politicians and news organizations, or by working with public agencies to promote better handling of official statistics.
It goes without saying that none of these efforts will “solve” the problem of political lying and misinformation. But by rejecting reductive debates about whether fact-checking “works” or not, we’ll take an important step toward understanding what kinds of measures actually can help to promote fact-based discourse — and affirm the value of fact-checking as an institution dedicated to that goal.
Lucas Graves is an assistant professor at the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Wisconsin.
Kristen Muller The year we operationalize community engagement
M. Scott Havens First-party data becomes media’s most important currency
Mariana Moura Santos The future of journalism is collaborative
Nathalie Malinarich Betting on loyalty
Sarah Alvarez I’m ready for post-news
Tanya Cordrey Saying no to more good ideas
Pablo Boczkowski The day after November 4
Meg Marco Everything happens somewhere
Kevin D. Grant The free press stands against authoritarians’ attacks on truth
Catalina Albeanu Rebuilding journalism, together
Jeremy Gilbert and Jarrod Dicker A call for collaboration between storytelling and tech
Rick Berke Incoming fire from both left and right
Rachel Schallom The value of push alerts goes beyond open rates
Ben Werdmuller Use the tools of journalism to save it
Carrie Brown Engaged journalism: It’s finally happening
Tamar Charney From broadcast to bespoke
Beena Raghavendran The year of the local engagement reporter
Dannagal G. Young Let’s disrupt the logic that’s driving Americans apart
Josh Schwartz Publishers move beyond the metered paywall
Tom Glaisyer Journalism can emerge newly vibrant and powerful
Brian Moritz The end of “stick to sports”
Tonya Mosley The neutrality vs. objectivity game ends
Linda Solomon Wood Everyone in your organization, moving toward a common goal
Irving Washington Leadership isn’t something you learn on the job
Jakob Moll A slow-moving tech backlash among young people
Margarita Noriega The platforms try to figure out what to do with single-subject newsrooms
Mario García Think small (screen)
Sonali Prasad Climate change storytelling gets multidimensional
Talia Stroud The work of reconnecting starts November 4
Seth C. Lewis 20 questions for 2020
Rachel Glickhouse Journalists get left behind in the industry’s decline
Peter Bale Lies get further normalized
Ståle Grut OSINT journalism goes mainstream
Francesco Zaffarano TikTok without generational prejudice
Whitney Phillips A time to question core beliefs
AX Mina The Forum we wanted, the forum we got
Cristina Kim Public media stops trying to serve “everybody”
Cory Haik We’re already consuming the future of news — now we have to produce it
Kerri Hoffman Opening closed systems
Raney Aronson-Rath News deserts will proliferate — but so will new solutions
Matt DeRienzo Local broadcasters begin to fill the gaps left by newspapers
Christa Scharfenberg It’s time to make journalism a field that supports and respects women
Mike Caulfield Native verification tools for the blue checkmark crowd
Meredith Artley Stronger solidarity among news organizations
Alexandra Borchardt Get out of the office and talk to people
Elizabeth Dunbar Frank talk, and then action
Rachel Davis Mersey The business of local TV news will enter its downward slide
Elizabeth Hansen and Jesse Holcomb Local news initiatives run into a capital shortage
Laura E. Davis Know the context your journalism is operating within
Greg Emerson News apps fall further behind
Nico Gendron Make better products if you want to reach Gen Z
Don Day Respect the non-paying audience
Emily Withrow The year we kill the news article
Sue Robinson Campaign coverage as test bed for engagement experiments
Kathleen Searles Pay more attention to attention
Sara K. Baranowski A big year for little newspapers
Jeff Kofman Speed through technology
Lauren Duca The rise of the journalistic influencer
Joanne McNeil A return to blogs (finally? sort of?)
Annie Rudd The expanded ambiguity of the news photograph
Alice Antheaume Trade “politics” for “power”
Jeremy Olshan All journalism should be service journalism
Kourtney Bitterly Transparency isn’t just a desire, it’s an expectation
Joshua P. Darr All that campaign cash will make the media’s problems worse
Logan Molyneux and Shannon McGregor Think twice before turning to Twitter
Geneva Overholser Death to bothsidesism
Sarah Stonbely More people start caring about news inequality
Brenda P. Salinas Treating MP3 files like text
Masuma Ahuja Slower, quieter, more measured and thoughtful
S. Mitra Kalita The race to 2021
Monique Judge The year to organize, unionize, and fight
Victor Pickard We reclaim a public good
Zizi Papacharissi A president leads, the press follows, reality fades
Monica Drake A renewed focus on misinformation
Matthew Pressman News consumers divide into haves and have-nots
Imaeyen Ibanga Let’s take it slow
Fiona Spruill The climate crisis gets the coverage it deserves
Ernie Smith The death of the industry fad
Jasmine McNealy A call for context
Simon Galperin Journalism becomes more democratic
Mira Lowe The year of student-powered journalism
Barbara Gray Join local libraries on the frontlines of civic engagement
John Garrett It’s the best time in a century to start a local news organization
Felix Salmon Spotify launches a news channel
Helen Havlak Platforms shine a light on original reporting
Nushin Rashidian Are platforms a bridge or a lifeline?
Hossein Derakhshan AI can’t conjure up an Errol Morris
Nicholas Jackson What’s left of local gets comfortable with reader support
Rasmus Kleis Nielsen The business we want, not the business we had
Candis Callison Taking a cue from Indigenous journalists on climate change
Carl Bialik Journalists will try running the whole shop
Heidi Tworek The year of positive pushback
Eric Nuzum Podcasting finally creates another mega-hit show
Jim Brady We’ll complain about other people living in bubbles while ignoring our own
Knight Foundation Five generations of journalists, learning from each other
Stefanie Murray Charitable giving goes collaborative
Dan Shanoff Sports media enters the Bronny era
Bill Grueskin Our ethics codes get an overhaul
Cindy Royal Prepare media students for skills, not job titles
Logan Jaffe You don’t need fancy tools to listen
Anthony Nadler Clash of Clans: Election Edition
Bill Adair A Nobel Prize, a Brad Pitt film, and a Taylor Swift song
Alana Levinson Brand-backed media gets another look
A.J. Bauer A fork in the road for conservative media
Jonas Kaiser Russian bots are just today’s slacktivists
Moreno Cruz Osório In Brazil, collaboration in a time of state attacks
Colleen Shalby Journalists become media literacy teachers
Gordon Crovitz Fighting misinformation requires journalism, not secret algorithms
Richard Tofel A constraint of the reader-revenue model emerges
Joe Amditis Collaborative journalism takes its rightful place at the table
Jake Shapiro Podcasting gets listener relationship management
Joni Deutsch Podcasting unsilences the silent
Sarah Marshall The year to learn about news moments
John Keefe Journalism gets hacked
Julia B. Chan We 👏 take 👏 breaks 👏
Steve Henn The dawning audio web
J. Siguru Wahutu Western journalists, learn from your African peers
Heather Bryant Some kinds of journalism aren’t worth saving
Craig Newmark Formalizing newsrooms’ battle against disinformation
Jennifer Brandel A love letter from the year 2073
Madelyn Sanfilippo and Yafit Lev-Aretz News coverage gets geo-fragmented
Juleyka Lantigua A changing industry amps up podcasters’ ambitions
Mary Walter-Brown and Tristan Loper Power to the people (on your audience team)
Sarah Schmalbach Journalist, quantify thyself
Errin Haines Race and gender aren’t a 2020 story — they’re the story
Michael W. Wagner Increasingly fractured, but little bit deliberative
Lucas Graves A smarter conversation about how (and why) fact-checking matters
Alfred Hermida and Mary Lynn Young The promise of nonprofit journalism