This interview was originally published by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.
Benjamin Toff is one of the leading experts on the rise of news avoidance and one of the authors of this recent book on this issue, based on survey data and interviews with people in Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. He was also the leader of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism’s own Trust in News Project and is now an assistant professor at the University of Minnesota.
As Election Day approaches in the U.S., I spoke to Toff about why news avoidance may be shaping this year’s election, how candidates are trying to reach these elusive audiences, and what news organizations are doing to reach those who don’t follow the news in its current form. Our conversation has been edited for clarity and length.
But here’s one of the things that’s different about the U.S. In addition to those patterns, you also have a larger segment of people who are on the right ideologically and who are also avoiding news, and part of what they are expressing is dissatisfaction with conventional sources of journalism.
But there’s another segment of people who emphasize that it’s about the news itself, and here it’s a mix of things ranging from an emphasis on how anxiety-inducing the news itself can be to frustrations with sensationalism and the sense that what is being covered in the news just feels irrelevant to the things they care about. Some conservative audiences point to this feeling of news being untrustworthy: they just don’t trust that journalists are impartial.
Among these news avoiders, there are much lower rates of political participation altogether. That is part of the reason why the campaigns are as focused as they are on reaching those audiences. And they have to do so also through less traditional means because they’re less likely to be consuming legacy outlets.
Neither campaign is probably focused on the most consistent news avoiders, people consuming almost no news whatsoever. That population tends to be much less likely to vote.
These are the forms of news that most people have at the top of their mind, and they don’t see it as particularly relevant to the things they care about. Many think these kinds of journalism are purely produced for commercial profits or to advance a political agenda. And so they tend to associate journalists with serving those aims. These people are also much less likely to have ever talked to a journalist or known one personally. They see journalists as part of the same disconnected elites. They see them just like politicians who are out to serve themselves.
Similarly, when we interviewed people in rural Iowa, one of the things they said echoed what Black Iowans in Des Moines were also saying: that the news media only paid attention to them in moments of crisis, and that they only saw negative representations of their community. It’s this feeling of news being produced for other people and at the expense of their community, without any real investment in serving those communities themselves.
One of the things we heard a lot of in our interviews is this feeling from people who say that news finds them when they go on social media and how they don’t feel like they need to develop a regular news habit because it’s just more efficient to be incidentally exposed to the most important information. Similarly, they say the internet is just so vast that all the information is out there, and you could just go to Google for news whenever you are looking for it.
People still feel that way, but the environment has changed. In the last couple of years, digital platforms have reoriented themselves away from delivering much news. So I am not sure how many people still have the same kind of exposure as they did even a few years ago. We are seeing a huge divide between people who are interested in news and those who are not, and I suspect that this divide is intensifying. That is largely a function of the changing digital environment and the way people are accessing news, but also the pathways that people are using to keep up with what’s happening.
In terms of the fluctuation we are seeing in recent years, there was an increase in trust among people on the left during the Trump years, with a lot of Democrats rallying around the news media during those years when investigative journalism was uncovering various Trump scandals. Now that Democrats are in government, people on the left have a different attitude towards the news media and whether they are serving their political aims.
The other part of this is the link between trust in news and people’s habits around news consumption. There’s just a sort of familiarity with the sources of news that they may be using in a regular way. And as younger audiences are less and less likely to develop regular news habits, there is more of this kind of generalised scepticism and distrust towards the entire enterprise of journalism.
There’s a tendency in journalism to not communicate all the work that goes into news gathering, reporting and confirming information. Journalists often take for granted that audiences know all that work, but increasingly that’s not the case. So there are ways in which that kind of work can be signaled more effectively.
The challenge is that we live in a crowded information environment. So getting people to even pay attention to higher quality, rigorous reporting is perhaps 90% of the challenge. Many news organizations depend heavily on digital platforms to try to expand their reach and that is a double-edged sword: the things that go viral in those spaces may not be the kind of journalism that is most likely to build trust.
But a big part of news consumption is really social, and depends on what we call news communities. These groups are a really important piece of people’s relationship with news. They reinforce the habits around following news and the social benefits people get from paying attention to news. It’s hard to know how to create a news community where one doesn’t already exist, but it might be good to try.
This is probably not going to come from political coverage but from other areas of journalism that people are both more interested in and feel less divided about. I’m thinking of things like sports, culture, or food. If you develop habits and a relationship with news audiences around these areas of coverage, the hope is that then they'll feel a sense of familiarity with the organization and they’ll turn to you for specific information as well.
We often exaggerate how much of an impact this actually has. But the anxiety about the election is fueling that kind of concern. Today we have more voices in the media in general, and this is not just on cable news but also on social media. There’s no lack of places where you can hear media criticism. In some ways, that’s very healthy compared to 40 years ago, when all the news looked fairly similar and was basically decided by a small group of old white guys.
It’s a good thing that we have a much more pluralistic media environment, but it also means that there are many different perspectives on every story in the news. So it’s also easier than ever to find critiques of why coverage is wrong and inaccurate. The sense that it’s harder to know the truth is also fuelling some people’s sense that it’s safer to just not trust any news at all. That is part of the way in which the digital environment is also fueling some of that generalized skepticism and distrust.
The analogy we use in the book is that it’s like trying to tune into the fourth season of "Game of Thrones" without knowing who these people are, or what difference any of this makes. For a lot of people, that’s their feeling about the news.
These people are not the primary audiences that most news organizations are trying to serve. They tend to be much more focused on the people who are already spending a lot of time with them, and trying to convert them into paying subscribers. They are not even focused on serving these more evasive audiences.
A lot of the news avoiders we interviewed who were not voting would often point to this feeling that they just didn’t think they knew enough to vote. They have the sense of having no agency. News consumption and political engagement are intertwined and they reinforce each other in this kind of spiral. From a public policy standpoint, it’s hard to see what’s going to be most effective at solving that puzzle.
You do see differences by country, though. Places that have a lot more investment in public service media have much higher rates of engagement with news and more political engagement. That’s currently a non-starter in the U.S. But that’s one solution that some say is increasingly necessary, given the market failure around local news.
Eduardo Suárez is head of editorial at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, where this story was originally published.